Editor's note: Sun Chenghao is an assistant research professor at the Institute of American Studies, China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations. The article reflects the author's opinions, not necessarily the views of CGTN.

Regardless of the U.S. piled pressure, the British government announced that it will allow China's Huawei to help build the country's next generation of a super-fast wireless networks, although that will be restricted from "sensitive functions".

The U.S. has spent months lobbying the UK, one of its closest allies, to ban Huawei from building the country's 5G network. The U.S. believed that Huawei has ties with the Chinese government and might pose a national security threat to the U.S. and its allies. As an ally sharing a so-called "special relationship" with the U.S., Britain's decision struck a blow for the U.S.'s global efforts to isolate Huawei.

Not surprisingly, the U.S.'s reaction is full of disappointment and anger. Several U.S. media pointed out that the U.S.-UK special relationship is under a test due to Britain's Huawei decision. 

The U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, before meeting UK's foreign Secretary Dominic Raab, urged the country to reverse the Huawei decision. Some Republican officials even warned that the decision could lead the U.S. Congress to block a post-Brexit trade deal.

If the U.S.-UK special relationship is deteriorating, Huawei is not the scapegoat. The UK has already taken much time to ponder the pros and cons for allowing Huawei to help build its 5G network. It is the fact that except Huawei there is no better choice to provide UK's consumers with faster broadband. No matter how special the relationship is, the U.S. should respect UK's independent policymaking and not directly interfere in UK's decision on Huawei otherwise it will make the relationship more challenging.

Even without the controversy over Huawei, the U.S.-UK are not speaking in one voice on China. The fundamental cause of the rift is their different perceptions and attitudes towards the world order and China's rise. 

The U.S. has deep doubts and anxieties about the rise of the emerging powers represented by China while the UK is keenly aware of the opportunities brought about by the changing global power structure.

The UK, especially after its decision to leave the European Union, holds a more accommodating view towards cooperation with China. In addition to being the first to join the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), the UK's attitude towards the internationalization of the yuan is also far different from that of the U.S. Besides, the UK has become the world's biggest center for trading yuan outside China.

In essence, the U.S.-UK relationship is less special than before. From the perspective of Britain, Brexit will greatly reduce the U.S. dependence on Britain. Besides the strength of the UK itself, the U.S. values its special ties with the UK due to its role in the European Union. Both, the U.S. and the UK, belong to the English-speaking world, and the UK is often regarded as a bridge between the U.S. and Europe.

For instance, on the issue of security, the UK often supports U.S. policies in the EU and takes care of the U.S. interest within the EU to a certain extent. Once UK leaves EU, the U.S. will have to find another country in the EU that can play the role as its strategic footing.

Even worse is the adjustment of the U.S.'s foreign policies after Trump took office. Guided by the "America First" policy, the Trump administration is indifferent to facilitate the special relationship with the UK, but more concerned about how to tap the potential of allies to achieve the goal of "Make America Great Again".

The UK hopes that the special relationship between the two countries should be based on the post-war international order, common values ​​and interest. However, the two countries obviously disagree with each other on issues such as climate change, the Iran nuclear deal and NATO, which will further undermine the special relationship in the future.

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