Editor's note: Mike Cormack is a writer, editor and reviewer mostly focusing on China, where he lived from 2007 to 2014. He edited Agenda Beijing and is a regular book reviewer for the South China Morning Post. The article reflects the author's opinions, and not necessarily the views of CGTN.

Once it became clear that all nations were equally vulnerable to the coronavirus, they had a certain window of opportunity to get into gear. Expert advice, action plans, taskforces, deliverables, levels of accountability, equipment requisitions and supply lines, communications plans, the whole nine yards. Wuhan was locked down on January 23, which should have served as notice that prompt action was required everywhere.

Unfortunately, this does not appear to have happened in the U.S.: Government action appeared, at best, fragmented and ill-communicated. Vice President Mike Pence was put in charge of the situation, despite his record as governor of Indiana, where he was broadly criticized for his handling of an outbreak of HIV. (He had implemented budget cuts that closed HIV testing centers and stopped needle-exchange programs). This did not inspire confidence in an evidence-led, science-based response.

Instead confusion has reigned. This could have been foreseen. Donald Trump had already, two years ago, shut down the White House National Security Council's entire global health security unit – responsible for pandemics. He claimed it could be swiftly reassembled when needed. 

The facts on the ground suggest otherwise. Similarly, the question of whether those without health insurance would be tested or have to pay hundreds of dollars has remained unanswered. Journalists tried to ask that at a press conference given by Pence, but he simply walked out.

Thus far, the Trump administration's efforts have resulted in the suggestion of a payroll tax cut, possible subsidies for the most affected industries (airlines, cruise ships, and hotels), and screening of every person entering the U.S. from the Republic of Korea (ROK) and Italy – following initial claims he would close the border with Mexico, for reasons that remain unclear. 

One million virus tests will be distributed this week, with four million "still to come." But, broader efforts seem beyond the current administration's imagination – a broader sick pay policy, free virus testing or financial support for small businesses. The U.S. has one of the worst sick pay records in the developed world, particularly in the hospitality sector, precisely where the virus could be most easily transmitted.

The ideological basis of Pence and Trump's approach has been "We'll do it our way." No need to listen to experts, or to communicate calmly and rationally with the public. (Trump's "Fake news!" tweets have looked astonishingly ill-judged.) It has harked back to the laissez-faire economic policy of the nineteenth century, where government interference was unsought and unneeded. 

Since Ronald Reagan's presidency, the withdrawal of government from entire areas of life has been seen as a self-evident good. (Reagan famously said, "The nine most dangerous words in the English language are, 'I'm from the government and I'm here to help'.")

This has hardened into a libertarian orthodoxy, where freedom trumps every other concern. No-one should be able to force you to do anything. All action should be voluntary. So social programs – which as Winston Churchill once said bring "the magic of averages to the rescue of millions" - by taxing some to provide assistance to others are anathema to the libertarian mindset. Any welfare or social program does this, but it is in healthcare that the American way is most evident. 

Health insurance in the U.S. is very largely treated as a product: You get what you pay for. But it's really more of a public good. Markets operate when a buyer and seller can interact on equal terms and with full knowledge – that's why we have consumer protection societies and rules on packaging. There is no equality of terms when you are ill: You are in no place to haggle and cannot switch between suppliers if you dislike what is being offered.

For decades, the U.S. has managed to cope without an activist federal government. But the cracks have become increasingly obvious. Infrastructure in the U.S. has decayed significantly: The American Society of Civil Engineers has estimated that the U.S. needs to spend some 4.5 trillion U.S. dollars by 2025 to improve the country's roads, bridges, dams, airports, and schools. Trump's own repeated pledges of "Infrastructure Week" have likewise turned out to be empty promises. 

Even when disasters did strike, they – and there's no way around this blunt fact – largely affected the poor and disenfranchised, and so could be forgotten about. The effect of the deadly storms of Hurricane Katrina on Louisiana and Hurricane Maria on Puerto Rico ought to have seen huge rescue and reconstruction missions. Instead George W. Bush left the poor in New Orleans to fend for themselves and Trump tossed over some paper towels when in Puerto Rico.

State governments have, noticeably, taken a far more activist approach. California and other states have promised free virus checks. Eight (New York, California, Washington, Florida, Oregon, Utah, Maryland, and Kentucky) have declared a state of emergency and promised free virus tests. They have a much more direct responsibility for the daily lives and concerns of their residents. Competence matters at the point of delivery, not ideology. Other institutions have taken the matter into their own hands: Universities such as New York University, Columbia and Stanford have opted to deliver classes online.

These, though, are fragmented actions rather than evidence of a national plan. The presidency is the bully pulpit, the focal point for the U.S. A major part of the job is to communicate with people at times of anxiety. Trump however seems blinded by ideology, incapable of realizing that government is about the needs of its citizens. All that he is communicating is his indifference to his fellow Americans.

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