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'Blackmailing' China on climate action won't work (Part II)
Updated 22:55, 16-Apr-2021
Wu Changhua
The scenery of the Saihanba State Forest Park in Chengde, north China's Hebei Province, July 28, 2018. /Xinhua

The scenery of the Saihanba State Forest Park in Chengde, north China's Hebei Province, July 28, 2018. /Xinhua

Editor's note: Wu Changhua is executive director of the Professional Association for China's Environment. The article reflects the author's opinions and not necessarily the views of CGTN.

Lack of credibility remains a major challenge to the U.S. Globally, China and all other nations signed up to the Paris Agreement in 2015 and continued to honor their obligations and deliver their commitments steadfastly. The U.S. proves an exception. President Obama endorsed the multilateral mechanism and treated it as a successful outcome through close consultation with China and other countries in the due process. 

I remember clearly how proud the then Secretary of State John Kerry was in Paris in 2015 when he publicly claimed the U.S. contribution to the success of the Paris Agreement by "bringing China to the Paris Agreement." What happened afterwards taught the global community an unforgettable lesson. When President Trump took office in 2017, the first move he made was to withdraw from the Paris Agreement.  

The damage could be long-lasting and cannot be repaired easily even after President Biden rejoined the Paris Agreement this year. The U.S. withdrawal had shaken the foundation of global multilateral climate governance. The increasingly divided U.S. domestic politics adds more uncertainty and unpredictability and its confronting China policy further drives divergence of limited resources and runs against the agreed but tight timeline to achieve the net zero carbon future by the mid-century.  

Meanwhile, Chinese leadership announced its commitments last fall to achieve capping emissions before 2030 and carbon neutrality before 2060, and the whole country is literally "reorganizing" its national development strategic focus, R&D and investment in new infrastructure to pivot from a fossil-fuel-energy-based infrastructure and economy to a clean-energy-based climate resilient future.  

Today, China, EU and many other countries have made their elevated commitments to a climate-resilient transformation. Chinese President Xi Jinping to join French President and other European leaders this week to deep-dive into how China, France and Germany can work more constructively to fight climate change and deliver a green deal proves how China sees the significance of cooperation and partnership for a clean energy transformation.  

A cardboard with slogans is seen in a strike to call attention to climate change in New York, U.S., September 20, 2019. /Xinhua

A cardboard with slogans is seen in a strike to call attention to climate change in New York, U.S., September 20, 2019. /Xinhua

Today, the global focus has shifted to the space of actions and delivery of outcomes. It is about R&D and technology innovation, about investment in clean energy and infrastructure, about how to accelerate industrialization of clean technologies to support the pivot, and also about how to revamp up a global supply chain that would best accommodate the clean energy transition.  

Talk always proves very cheap. China and the rest of the world are very tired of the meaningless arguments and quarrels, as well as the recurring talks without substances with the U.S. And very importantly, China sees clearly how the U.S. is playing the geopolitics, a game that is very distracting and also time-wasting. When Washington continues to hold its belief that “competing with China can save the planet and pressure, not partnership, will spur progress on climate change", the U.S. has clearly and firmly put China as a rivalry and even an enemy in the name of fighting climate change.  

China is set to compete with the U.S. in advancing its ambition and deliver its commitment to carbon neutrality. Its industrialization capability and supply chain will continue to grow and enhance its capability and competition in such crucial sectors as new materials, semiconductors, AI, 5G, smart grids besides solar and wind energy, as well as batteries and EVs. At the end of the day, this transformation is about how we grow our economy, what infrastructure to build, how much to invest in R&D, and how to create better and smart jobs and improved livelihoods for its people.  

And China is also well-positioned to share its experience, expertise and resources with other developing countries to accelerate the transition. John Kerry seems to have two agenda items with him for the Shanghai trip - securing Chinese top leadership participation of President Biden's climate summit this month, and testing the water to see if the two governments would be able to find some common ground in supporting developing countries to fight climate change.  

I personally don't imagine a triumphant Climate Envoy Kerry claiming the success of his first China trip in his new role. China is not obligated and in no position to be a cheer-leader for President Biden's announcement of U.S. commitment to the Paris Agreement. The U.S. is obligated to put on the table its ambitious emissions reduction target in line with the 1.5C goal, and also the financial support for developing countries to tackle climate risks. The failure on the U.S. part in particular to deliver the US $100 billion a year before 2020 from industrialized nations, now extended to a 2025 timeline, has become a detrimental factor derailing global climate governance progress.  

What are those U.S. obligations related to China? None. And the question I have today is how far, and how long can President Biden go with his confronting China policy in the context of fighting climate change? And how would his China policy delay the much-needed acceleration of the clean revolution? History will tell. And fingers crossed. 

(If you want to contribute and have specific expertise, please contact us at opinions@cgtn.com.)

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