Editor's note: Azhar Azam works in a private organization as market and business analyst and writes about geopolitical issues and regional conflicts. The article reflects the author's opinions and not necessarily the views of CGTN.

The 9/11 terrorist attacks on the U.S. immediately enlivened sore memories of the Japanese bombing of Pearl Harbor during World War II in the United States. But unlike Japan's unconditional surrender and Iraq and Kosovo wars where America had territorial objectives or the U.S.-led NATO suffered few combat deaths – the U.S. war in Afghanistan was a formidable challenge.

Fearing anti-American sentiments, dissent within the societies and large civilian casualties – no major regional state or Arab nation contributed troops for the Afghan war. Additionally, despite Europe's concerns, the U.S. will bridge too far in its fight against terrorism, American and British forces carried out initial military operations against the Taliban in Afghanistan alone.

Even as the U.S. has announced troop withdrawal, the U.S. military involvement in Afghanistan won't be over soon. Washington and allies will reportedly keep a "less visible" presence in the country, and the departure won't include thousands of "off the books" servicemen and private contractors. The plan gives a clear message: Washington still wants to engage itself in Afghanistan more militarily and less constructively.

It's no mystery that American goals in Afghanistan have been predominantly military, in order to achieve which the U.S. excluded the Taliban from the political process for many years. Yet, the use of sheer force to defeat the Taliban failed to fetch America a victory and stop militants from expanding their influence.

Nearly 20 years on and with Taliban having outlived the blood-curdling counterinsurgency operations of the so-called world's most powerful security alliance, NATO – the U.S. war on terror is nastier, brutish and longer than it was originally thought, reminiscent of the Cold War. The Taliban are in a stronger position than at any point since 2001 and with 55,000 to 85,000 full-time fighters, the group today controls vast swathes of the country.

Washington's defensive posture in Afghanistan since 2015 – staying and praying that the Taliban make abundant strategic mistakes to its advantage – failed utterly and the superpower was forced to engage a government in peace talks it labeled a significant foreign policy concern and deposed almost two decades ago.

After the Soviet Union pulled out from Afghanistan, the U.S. created a power vacuum in historically a messy state by walking away from the scene. Once felt done militarily, Washington in May 2014 again announced to keep fewer than 1,000 troops by the end of 2016 to guard the U.S. embassy and train Afghan troops with a security assistance component like it did in Iraq.

Throughout years of military campaigns, the U.S. didn't focus on building political consensus and conflict resolution among several Afghan factions, which would have allowed them to work together for Afghanistan's stability and reconstruction. By the time the U.S. realized the importance of dialogue, Afghanistan had roiled into further volatility.

Arguments such as the U.S. shifted emphasis on Iraq and exclusion of the Taliban from the political process to justify America's funeral pace failure in Afghanistan wasn't only due to a good war waged poorly; the U.S. wanted to dominate the weaker nations simultaneously through power albeit alternatives available to war to prevent hundreds of thousands of displacements and killings.

The U.S. official data claimed since FY2002, more than $143 billion was spent on reconstruction and related activities in Afghanistan by December 2020. But with $88 billion incurred on security and $19 billion (or 30 percent of the $63 billion cumulatively reviewed) lost to waste and others – there was very little left for Kabul to bind the Afghan wounds that were delivered by the U.S. strikes in the form of 111,000 casualties and economic and fragile infrastructure devastation.

America invaded Afghanistan to destroy terror networks, posing threats to the U.S. and international security. While almost $1 trillion dollars military spending hasn't changed anything on the ground, unabated violence in Afghanistan warns America with a scant military presence was leaving behind a destabilized country from economic, security and political perspectives besides threatening the crucial Afghan peace process and regional stability.

The perplexing conception in the U.S. to make Afghanistan a "security headache" for China and distract it from the South China Sea and other areas is even more dangerous for peace in the wider region. The omission of combating terrorism from the U.S. priority agenda and lay the onus on vulnerable Afghan people "step up to defend their own country" only to concentrate on China could be catastrophic for regional and global peace as downplaying terrorism would inspirit the extremist organizations to regroup in Afghanistan.

As Western analysts agree, China isn't a revisionist power in Afghanistan and doesn't intend to intervene or has never supported foreign intervention in independent states. Beijing's interest in Afghanistan is a broader political reconciliation among all warring parties that could prompt internal stability to pave the way for Afghan economic recovery and post-war reconstruction.

Washington has bled out in the longest war in American history; it's the U.S. cupidity to ensure dominance in the region, for which America should blame no one else except itself. With Kabul facing a dense economic crisis and tensed political talks ahead, Washington should not shed responsibility for Afghan reconstruction.

The U.S. cannot abandon Afghanistan and the Afghan people once again. Washington is vamoosing from the country with a little military footprint, but the U.S. war on terror is far from over. Some core U.S. challenges in Afghanistan, such as countering terrorism, resolving differences and making a meaningful contribution to the Afghan peace process to achieve peace and stability as well as resume reconstruction and economic development, remain unaccomplished, and the U.S. is obliged to undertake these vital tasks.

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