Editor's note: Azhar Azam works in a private organization as market and business analyst and writes about geopolitical issues and regional conflicts. The article reflects the author's opinions and not necessarily the views of CGTN.

In 1947, then-U.S. President Harry Truman deviated from America's historical position of not meddling in regional conflicts and reoriented an interventionist foreign policy that would provide economic, military and political assistance to all nations under threat from external and internal forces.

The Truman Doctrine – also known as Truman's containment policy, a basic U.S. strategy to fight and contain the Soviet Union in the Cold War – has been religiously pursued by all American presidents. Washington's ruthless pursuit for a unipolar world divided global nations into two blocks and bred conflicts in Asia, Africa and Latin America.

Odd Arne Westad, a Norwegian-born scholar who specializes in the Cold War and contemporary East Asian history, argued that the Cold War, which began on the perimeters of Europe, had deepest reverberations in Asia, Africa and the Middle East where everyone was forced to take sides, a phenomenon still being actively pushed by the U.S. globally. Other than environmental threats, social divides and ethnic conflicts stemmed from that era, there were a few undisclosed areas of hidden U.S. overseas involvement too.

The American LEGION Act, which former U.S. President Donald Trump signed in July 2019, found at least 12 of those unrecognized epochs of covert and overt U.S. foreign interventions.

Afghanistan was a linchpin of the U.S. strategy against the Soviet Union during the Cold War that Washington believed it had won. But Afghan civil war and the ongoing conflict in the country offered one good example of how America's hasty withdrawal hit back and risked international peace and the U.S.' own national security in the coming years.

The Cold War, having compound effects on American lives in the middle of proxy wars around the world and persistent threat of nuclear warfare, ended. However, America's thirst for global supremacy is waking up yet again; this time to contain China's economic rise.

After Trump fantasized to execute Truman's containment policy and ranted about containing China without understanding he would never be able to win the new Cold War – U.S. President Joe Biden's exhausting attempts to court Europe, rally the "brain dead" transatlantic alliance and hire new recruits against China have faltered.

Biden at G7 and NATO meetings failed to carry back desired outcomes and admitted there were differences on China, an issue that shook the alliance before and continues to stoke serious disagreements among European leaders.

Some European leaders, despite saying they didn't think China's an adversary and refusing to descend into a Cold War with it, labeled unwarranted allegations of "systemic challenges" from Beijing. They need not be influenced by the U.S. mindset and must take note of their own economic and trade interests with China where European companies have found a shelter in a pandemic with 60 percent planning to expand their operations.

This European intent not to decouple from China, try to further integrate Europe-China economies and divisions within the bloc and with the U.S. are likely to withstand Washington's feral posture and longing to originate a campaign below the threshold of the Cold War to stymie Chinese growth.

Realizing it can't launch and win the new Cold War, America tried to curry favor with Russia by seeking it to stay neutral in the U.S.-China spat. But Biden's aristocracy to restore elitism and bring some predictability to Washington's relationship with Moscow fizzled out as Putin – anticipating a U.S. stealth objective to keep ties with Russia quieter for keeping focus on China – candidly told reporters Moscow and Washington were no friends and there's only a pragmatic dialogue about interests of their respective countries.

Biden said Putin didn't want a new Cold War. While the Kremlin had already construed its stance about averting such a catastrophe and slammed the U.S. "megaphone diplomacy" – Washington's approach is vague as Biden arrived in Europe after taking daily intelligence briefings from CIA director and former U.S. ambassador to Russia William Burns who's an advocate of Cold War containment strategy against Moscow.

An underlying cause of the U.S. fit of pique therefore isn't all about China's growth; it's every state and any region in quest of a strategic and economic autonomy – including Europe and the rise of Asia as a geoeconomic power, which can challenge American global military and economy hegemony.

Biden, knocked for being "more than a Trojan Horse" and "a puppet" in the U.S., is exerting efforts to assert himself as a global leader and thinking of reaching out to China now. If the U.S. president is sincere in holding constructive talks with the Chinese government, he needs to change track, drop the U.S. containment strategy and move closer to reconciliation that would help defuse tensions, bring stability to the bilateral relationship and calm the tense international environment.

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