Editor's note: Azhar Azam is a market and business analyst who writes about geopolitical issues and regional conflicts. The article reflects the author's opinions, and not necessarily the views of CGTN.

From a fervent denial to host U.S. military bases in Pakistan for conducting fool's gold remote strikes in adjacent battle-scarred Afghanistan to throwing staunch support behind all-weather ally China, Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan is in top gear to show the U.S. his foreign policy priorities.

After Washington's 23 Skidoo from Kabul, fears seem to be lingering that Afghanistan could become a safe haven for terrorist outfits to attack the U.S. In response, Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Director William Burns reportedly carried out a secret mission to kickstart a military partnership with Pakistan in hopes of establishing drone facilities there. But in Islamabad, America's spy chief was denied a meeting with Khan, a critic of U.S. regional policy.

Given U.S. President Joe Biden's indecision to talk with the leader of America's former Cold War ally, which could facilitate crucial Taliban-U.S. peace talks, Khan's powerful message – we will be partners of peace with America rather than conflict – is a setback to Washington's regional ambitions.

Washington has over the years been quite vocal about its aid to Pakistan, either lamenting the "waste" or blowing its own horn over the billions and billions of dollars sent to Islamabad. But given the cost, including more than 70,000 Pakistanis who have been killed from wars in Afghanistan and economic losses of around $150 billion to an already fragile economy, $20 billion in aid just isn't worth it.

Biden's abrupt military withdrawal from Kabul also diminishes Islamabad's leverage to press the Taliban for peace talks with the Afghan government. The move leaves the war-tortured nation prone to another deadly civil war once American troops are completely gone. Militant groups currently control roughly a third of all districts in Afghanistan, which can potentially create space for Al-Qaeda to regroup and plan new attacks on the U.S. and others. These militant groups could also urge Afghan factions to dictate terms in the Taliban's proposed peace plan.

Yet instead of highlighting Biden's catastrophic mistakes in Afghanistan and reluctance to engage Pakistan in the Afghan peace process, the U.S. media is targeting Khan's firm stance to protect his country's national sovereignty by defying American bullying. 

Some media also seem to be trying to urge Khan to scale back his resolute support for China. In a foreword to an interview with Khan, for example, the New York Times' Op-Ed editors misinterpreted his zest for China and wish to see cooperation between Beijing and Washington as a desire for more "strategic clout" to bring Islamabad into the "great power competition." Responding to whether Pakistan must "choose sides", Khan said Beijing had been very good to Pakistan when it was taking “a real battering” after and during the "war on terror." Khan added when Pakistan's debt went up, China was the country that came to Pakistan’s help. His high regard for China came across as a clear reference to the U.S. strategic and economic amnesia toward Pakistan.

It wasn't the first time Khan has been unequivocal about China's role in Pakistan's growth and national security interests. After promising to further strengthen relations with China in his victory speech, he has maintained a consistent position of wanting to learn from Chinese development, make the China-Pakistan relationship a cornerstone of his foreign policy, rejected claims of China impinging on Pakistan's sovereignty and linked Islamabad's future to Beijing.

Some U.S. media have also slated Khan for refusing to condemn the alleged Chinese crackdown on Uygurs, arguing he was parroting Beijing's disavowal over Pakistan's economic dependence on China. The claims are bizarre, as Beijing has extended financial support and provided billions of dollars a number of times to bolster foreign exchange reserves and repay Islamabad's foreign debt. Despite all this, Khan has said the Chinese have "never, ever" interfered in Pakistan's foreign or domestic policy.

Unconcerned with accusations, Khan hasn't been interested in damaging the valuable relationship on an issue he thought was "supposedly happening" in Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. Khan spoke out about the U.S.-led efforts among Western countries to mount pressure on Pakistan to choose sides and downgrade its relations with China. He refused to buckle under the bigoted tricks and reaffirmed the "deep" and "very special" relationship between Pakistan and China would not change no matter what.

Khan understands Beijing's importance in Islamabad's key strategic, economic and developmental areas. For example, he sees the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a key pilot project of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a transformational project that has already attracted significant Chinese investment and created new jobs. With the second phase of the project focusing on socioeconomic development and industrialization, this cooperation is pushing the ironclad allies even closer together.

Even Western experts and think tanks have debunked the fallacies that China has been parachuting its projects into regional countries via BRI. Noting recipient nations, including Pakistan, had "huge sway over how things unfold," some have admitted Beijing's more adaptive and increasingly accommodative strategy would help Islamabad to address socioeconomic development and step up industrial cooperation.

Another example of cooperation is the China–Pakistan Free Trade Agreement (CPFTA). Beijing in January 2020 agreed to immediately reduce tariffs to zero percent on textiles, leather, furniture, ceramics and other Pakistani exports to China under the second phase of the treaty. Pakistan can now ship more than 1,000 products to China with zero duties, which already boosted Islamabad's exports to Beijing by nearly 70 percent in Q1 of 2021. The treaty will help beef up much-needed foreign exchange reserves and bring greater prosperity to the country.

The U.S. media have also done their best to drive a wedge between two close allies by linking Khan's candor against growing Islamophobia around the world to Uygurs in China. But the strategy failed. Khan exposed the "hypocritical" Western media and reinforced Pakistan's support for Beijing across the One-China Policy and issues of Taiwan, Tibet, Xinjiang, Hong Kong and the South China Sea.

Khan even went the extra mile to laud China's political system that promotes merit in society, providing an alternative model and actually beating the Western democratic form of government in the way it brings up merit in society. Khan has said he believes that the Communist Party of China's "people-centric approach" is the driving force behind China's "astonishing success." He also said he hopes Pakistan can emulate China's "remarkable achievements" of national development, poverty alleviation and anti-corruption.

Khan has made his position clear. He's standing up to the U.S. in the face of the White House's stealthy efforts to erode Pakistan's sovereignty and browbeat Islamabad, including over its strong relationship with China.

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