Opinions
2022.12.14 21:28 GMT+8

AUSMIN limits Australia's China policy options

Updated 2022.12.14 21:28 GMT+8
Daryl Guppy

Australian Minister for Defence Richard Marles (L), Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong (2nd L), U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken (2nd R) and U.S. Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin hold a press conference during the 32nd annual Australia-U.S. Ministerial (AUSMIN) consultations at the State Department in Washington, D.C., December 6, 2022. /CFP

Editor's note: Daryl Guppy is an international financial technical analysis expert. He has provided a weekly Shanghai Index analysis for media for the Chinese mainland for more than a decade. Guppy appears regularly on CNBC Asia and is known as "The Chart Man." He is a national board member of the Australia China Business Council. The article reflects the author's opinions and not necessarily those of CGTN.

The recently held AUSMIN meeting in Washington had further tied Australia to the U.S. policy of confronting China. The imprint of American combat boots trampled Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong's commitment to diplomacy.

In many ways the AUSMIN meeting was a return to 1902 when Australian trooper Breaker Morant was executed in South Africa on the orders of senior British Army officer Herbert Kitchener following an unjust trial held under British military law.

The execution of Breaker Morant shocked the nation; so when Australian troops were yet again  engaged with the British over the outbreak of World War I, they remained under Australian command with sovereign independence and subject to Australian military law, which carried no death penalty.

The proud position of sovereign independence is eroded by AUKUS, as evidenced in the AUSMIN talks in Washington. Increasingly the formulation of military policy and potential commitment to conflict are being surrendered to the U.S. government as it continues to goad China.

Without Parliamentary debate or public consultation, Autralian Defence Minister Richard Marles has overseen the abdication of responsibility for Australia's defence policy, reducing it to providing a forward base for U.S. forces as they heighten the potential for conflict against China.

The previous decades of Liberal government saw increasingly close relations with the United States military and defence. The emphasis was on inter-operability.

Australia's prolonged engagement in Afghanistan, and its engagement in other American initiated conflicts, meant there were advantages in using common weapons systems and developing a better understanding of operational procedures. Command chain processes were integrated into the U.S. military framework at a field level.

Initiated by AUKUS, and accelerated by the new Labor government, there has been a rapid change from inter-operability to the concept of integration. This moves away from the idea of fighting side by side, which was promoted by former Australian Prime Minister John Howard.

The recent AUSMIN talks confirm the rapid shift from inter-operability to integration. This means Australian troops operating as an integral part of, or component of U.S. forces to execute American policy objectives in the region, including the continued goading of China.

AUSMIN signed off on an extension of force posture initiatives. More U.S. bombers and fighters will rotate through northern Australia, Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) "bare bases" in Queensland and Western Australia will be jointly developed, as well as U.S. military stores, munitions and fuels will be pre-positioned there. Northern Australia is rapidly getting folded into American war planning, which is predicated on a conflict with China.

U.S. Republican Congressman Rob Wittman believes Australia would be satisfied with a dual-crewed American submarine that won't belong to Australia but would "be an asset that Australians have that element of control with."

This shift has already started, with the deployment of sailors on U.S. and UK submarines, the posting of commanders to subordinate roles within the U.S. military. Accordingly, it is seen in the exercise of foreign military influence directly at the highest levels of Australian policy making.  

Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong speaks during a press conference during the 32nd annual Australia-U.S. Ministerial (AUSMIN) consultations at the State Department in Washington, D.C., December 6, 2022. /CFP

The Washington Post reported, "all told, six retired U.S. admirals have worked for the Australian government since 2015, including one who served for two years as Australia's deputy secretary of defense. In addition, a former U.S. secretary of the Navy has been a paid adviser to three successive Australian prime ministers."

Each of these is a corrosive step eating away at Australia's ability to make sovereign security decisions since Australia has increasingly become a part of the United States at an operational and strategic policy level. Australia has turned into a willing pawn of the U.S.'s China policy. The decision on deployment may remain with Australia, but with an integrated force, such decisions are actually made by others and duly followed by Australia.

The force posture initiatives create a military colony, or a garrison state. Friendly or otherwise, these are foreign forces stationed for combat on Australian soil. Their active duty deployment is not subject to approval from Australia and there is no guarantee that Australia would be informed or consulted prior to any combat mission.

Already the U.S. drone strikes in Afghanistan and Middle East are enabled by facilities at Pine Gap in central Australia. They are not notified to the Australian government.

The new AUSMIN agreements are the greatest surrender of sovereignty imaginable since it allows Australia to get dragged into a conflict that may not be of its choosing or national interests. It perpetuates the myth that China may "attack" Australia.

It's only a matter of time before Australians are confronted with a new Breaker Morant, except that as a military colony it will not only be an individual who feels the consequences of this surrender of sovereignty. Despite the diplomatic efforts of Foreign Minister Penny Wong, AUSMIN has constrained Australia's ability to make independent, informed foreign policy decisions in regards to China.

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