Navigating Sino-Anglo relations amid global shifts

Editor's note: Freddie Reidy, a special commentator for CGTN, is a freelance writer based in London, specialized in international politics. The article reflects the author's opinions and not necessarily the views of CGTN.

As the United Kingdom's Foreign Secretary David Lammy arrives in Beijing on October 18, many are curious about what direction the UK's new government will take regarding Sino-Anglo relations.

Complicating matters are recent domestic issues, such as the resignation of Prime Minister Keir Starmer's Chief of Staff, which may have delayed the long-promised China-UK bilateral audit. This audit was expected within the first 100 days of the new government, but it is yet to be published. Although, the government says the work is "ongoing," this delay has left room for speculation. Still, some early conclusions can be drawn. 

It would be fair to say that relations between London and Beijing have fluctuated in warmth in recent years, high moments marked by the "Golden Era" under then Prime Minister David Cameron and his Chancellor George Osborne when the UK became the first Western member of the G20 member to join the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. In contrast, the relationship was briefly strained under Prime Minister Liz Truss.

Like his predecessor Rishi Sunak, Prime Minister Starmer is not thought to have a great deal of personal interest in foreign affairs. His government has been zeroed in on reviving British economic prospects and, this economic focus will likely shape its approach to China.

In many ways, we can expect a continuation of the previous government's policies. The Conservative government adopted the strategy regarding Sino-Anglo relations "protect, align and engage" regarding China. Starmer government has kept the essence of this approach, simply rebranding it as "compete, challenge and cooperate."

Despite changing dynamics, the UK is careful not to position itself firmly as either a hawk or a dove. Unlike the United States, which emphasizes competition in its dealings with China, the UK's approach is more focused on partnership and access to markets, rather than dominance. There is little indication that this strategy will change.

Although Lammy has spoken about "resetting" foreign relations after the previous government's missteps, as he recently did with the European Union, much of the groundwork for rebuilding these ties had already been laid during David Cameron's time as Foreign Secretary, particularly following the Truss and Johnson era. Dogma has given way to dialogue. Perhaps indicative of Lammy's relative inexperience on the international stage compared to Cameron, UK foreign relations are now in dire need of continuity rather than cyclical resets.

However, one constant remains: the UK government's acute awareness of the uneasy global diplomatic environment, which could be further exacerbated by a Donald Trump victory in the U.S. presidential election in November. Therefore, the pursuit of strengthened, pragmatic relationships across a broad spectrum of allies and partners is paramount, essentially, repairing the diplomatic roof while the sun shines.

Lammy refers to this approach as "progressive realism," though the term remains somewhat vague. On the other hand, it is the new Chancellor of the Exchequer, Rachel Reeves' "securonomics" that more clearly articulates the UK's stance. U.S. isolationism under the Trump administration sent shockwaves across Western nations, complicating trade. COVID-19 further exposed the risks and limitations of global cooperation and supply chains, prompting many governments, including that of the UK, to consolidate domestic resources.

What then, can the UK offer China? Amid increasing global unease, China can expect a stable trading partner willing to engage constructively. Britain's ambitious climate goals align with China's interests in the energy transition and large infrastructure projects. Moreover, the UK's relative autonomy outside the European Union also provides access to a large European market without the constraints of the EU, where recent punitive tariffs on Chinese-manufactured electric vehicles have stifled competition and impeded shared climate goals.

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