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Taiwan regional leader Lai Ching-te's trip to the three Pacific Island states, with "stopovers" in Hawaii and Guam, highlights his intention to provoke tension in the Taiwan Straits and gain political leverage. The trip not only violates the three China-U.S. joint communiques, but also mirrors Lai's previous actions including his controversial stopovers in New York and Los Angeles last August.

By prioritizing symbolic U.S. visits over the actual destinations, Lai seeks to "strengthen ties" with American politicians and assert Taiwan's presence internationally, reflecting the "Taiwan independence" secessionists' growing insecurity about U.S. support. With Donald Trump as the incoming U.S. president, uncertainty looms over Taiwan's security, especially given Trump's criticism of Taiwan's policies and his call for "protection fees."

For the Lai-led Democratic Progressive Party, relying on U.S. "protection" is a misguided illusion. Compared to its commitments to formal allies, U.S. assurances toward Taiwan are intentionally vague and lack substantive guarantees. Taiwan serves as little more than a pawn for Washington to gamble with Beijing.

Therefore, the "sanctification" of U.S. support by secessionists is unrealistic and detached from practical realities. The more "Taiwan independence" secessionists try to entangle the U.S. in a "chain gang" dynamic – dragging allies into conflicts for their own purposes, the deeper the strategic dilemmas the Taiwan region and the U.S. will face.

For Washington, Lai's "stopover" is far from good news. The reason is clear: the U.S. is not willing to get involved in a potential, non-profitable and potentially dangerous crisis. Although the U.S. remains one of the world's most powerful nations, it is not an omnipotent hegemon. Like all countries, it is grappling with pressing domestic issues amidst global economic and security challenges.

This year's U.S. general election revealed a growing public focus on improving the economy and quality of life at home. Fewer Americans appear supportive of Washington's endless overseas interventions, reflecting a broader desire for domestic stability over foreign entanglements.

At present, Americans are particularly unwilling to risk conflicts with the Chinese mainland over the Taiwan question. According to the research findings of the Chicago Council on Global Affairs last month, nearly 60 percent of Americans strongly oppose "putting U.S. forces into a position that could lead to war with China."

Policymakers in Washington must consider public opinion, which indicates that the U.S. is increasingly reluctant to jeopardize stable, mutually beneficial relations with the Chinese mainland.

U.S. strategists have long understood that the outcomes of international negotiations are often determined not merely by military strength, but by resolve and wills.

On the Taiwan question, the asymmetry in resolve between the Chinese mainland and the U.S. is striking. For the U.S., Taiwan may represent questions of strategic credibility, while for the Chinese mainland, it is a core issue of national sovereignty and territorial integrity. Given this, it is impossible for the Chinese mainland to compromise on matters it considers central to its fundamental interests.

In fact, both China and the U.S. have strong incentives to collaborate on the Taiwan question. Despite different positions, there are solid foundations of common interests, with maintaining stability across the Taiwan Straits being one of the most critical.

For the U.S., the Taiwan region and the Chinese mainland have never been two equal-weighted considerations, and this imbalance will only grow more obvious over time. For pragmatic and rational U.S. decision makers, further investment in the Taiwan region – whether military or economic – is bound to prove futile.

Taiwan has always been an inseparable part of China, and its complete reunification is an inevitable outcome. Politicians in Washington are already aware of this reality, and it is time for leaders in Taiwan to acknowledge it as well.

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