Trump's first 100 days: Destruction without reconstruction

Editor's Note: Sun Taiyi is an associate professor of political science at Christopher Newport University, U.S. He is also the executive editor of the Global Forum of Chinese Political Scientists' main publication, Global China. The article reflects the author's opinions and not necessarily those of CGTN.

As U.S. President Donald Trump's second term approaches the 100-day mark, a clear picture has emerged of the administration's policy priorities, internal dynamics and governing style. Significant similarities exist between Trump's first and second terms, but a key difference lies in his ambition to take "creative destruction" to the next level – this time, through a drastically downsized federal bureaucracy, slashed expenditures and a reduced domestic workforce. Internationally, the imposition of tariffs – up by at least 10 percent – has left many allies startled and bewildered. These are just two examples of the broader pattern of disruption.

The initial response, both domestically and internationally, was far from positive. Economically, despite inheriting a relatively healthy economy from the Biden administration – marked by rapidly declining inflation and historically low unemployment – the stock market plunged following Trump's tariff announcements. Markets have since been on a roller-coaster ride as a global trade war escalates. With unemployment ticking upward and consumer sentiment deteriorating sharply, Americans have grown increasingly pessimistic about the economic outlook.

Politically, according to a Pew Research Center poll, Trump's approval ratings have declined across most groups since returning to office, particularly among his less ardent supporters and nonvoters from 2024, with only 40 percent of adults approving of his performance. Even on immigration – long considered one of his strongest issues – a Washington Post/ABC News/Ipsos poll shows that Trump is now underwater, with 53 percent of Americans disapproving of his handling of the issue. Internationally, the damage is equally severe: according to a Brookings Institution poll, public opinion in South Korea has turned sharply more negative toward the United States compared to last year.

This time, the Trump administration moved even faster and embraced more chaos – something Trump himself once described as "good for television," notably after the White House spat with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Yet chaos may not serve governance or political strategy well. More confident in his judgment, Trump prioritized loyalty over expertise when selecting officials. Consequently, many appointees, including Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, who has made repeated mistakes – from the "Signalgate" scandal to leaking private contact information – remain in office without accountability. Meanwhile, policies designed to score political points have met with increasingly organized and energized opposition.

The administration's assault on diversity, equity and inclusion policies initially coerced compliance from many universities and companies. However, Harvard pushed back, leading more than 150 university presidents to sign a letter denouncing the White House's "undue government intrusion." Trump's aggressive immigration tactics did reduce border crossings temporarily but triggered public outrage after the mistaken deportation of Kilmar Abrego Garcia, a Maryland man, to El Salvador – a legal battle that continues to gain public sympathy. While several major law firms bowed to White House pressure, student groups across the country began boycotting their recruiting events, protesting these firms' cooperation with the administration.

Republicans secured a significant victory during budget negotiations, as Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer cooperated with them to avert a government shutdown. Yet this compromise has also galvanized Democrats, who are now running competitive candidates even in districts Trump carried by up to 18 points in November.

Internationally, the Trump administration had hoped Japan would offer a model for successful tariff negotiations. However, Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba publicly rejected the idea of making quick concessions and signaled Japan's intention to resist U.S. efforts to form an anti-China economic bloc. Further embarrassment came when Japanese automaker Subaru announced plans to restructure its supply chain – manufacturing vehicles for the Canadian market in Japan rather than the U.S. – to avoid Trump's tariffs. Meanwhile, the Russia-Ukraine conflict, which Trump had vowed to resolve within 24 hours of taking office, remains unresolved.

Now that the destruction has been wrought, there is little sign of reconstruction. It is easy to sign executive orders cancelling existing policies, slashing budgets and cutting federal workers. It is much harder to forge sustainable deals, build new institutions and implement complex policies. 

Creative destruction may have been Trump's plan: if things went wrong early, he could blame the Biden administration; if they later improved, he could claim credit. However, without reconstruction after the destruction, can such a strategy still succeed?

Only time will tell.