The Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee presides over the fourth plenary session of the 20th CPC Central Committee in Beijing, capital of China, October 20-23, 2025. /Xinhua
The Recommendations of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) for Formulating the 15th Five-Year Plan for National Economic and Social Development were made public on Tuesday.
The document was adopted at the fourth plenary session of the 20th CPC Central Committee on October 23.
Based on the document, what key strategic tasks will define China's 15th Five-Year Plan period (2026–2030), and which breakthroughs will be essential for basically achieving socialist modernization by 2035? How will the development of new high-quality productive forces reshape China's industrial landscape and enhance its global competitiveness? As Chinese modernization progresses, what new opportunities will it create for global economic governance and international cooperation? CGTN spoke with Xin Ge, an associate professor at the School of Public Economics and Administration, Shanghai University of Finance and Economics, to gain his insights.
CGTN: The document emphasizes reinforcing the foundations and pushing ahead on all fronts toward the basic realization of socialist modernization by 2035. In your view, what are the most crucial strategic tasks during this period, and which breakthroughs will be decisive in achieving the goal of basically achieving socialist modernization by 2035?
Xin Ge: The recommendations are being presented as the all-important final push. The directive to "reinforce the foundations and push ahead on all fronts toward basically realizing socialist modernization by 2035" signals a crucial shift. The 2035 goal of achieving "basic socialist modernization" is not just an economic milestone; it signifies a comprehensive upgrade of the nation's industrial, technological, and military capabilities. This 15th Five-Year Plan period is therefore regarded as a crucial, final-phase effort to build the most challenging, and essential high-tech pillars needed to meet that 2035 goal, especially in a complex external environment.
Therefore, the most critical strategic task is achieving high-level technological self-reliance to secure the industrial foundation. This is essential for both defense and offense. It involves protecting China's economy from foreign "bottleneck" chokepoints while also gaining dominance in the next industrial revolution. The breakthroughs key to 2035 will be in "hard-tech" sectors, including semiconductors, artificial intelligence, green technology, and biotechnology.
CGTN: The proposal emphasizes new quality productive forces as the driver of high-quality growth and highlights the importance of scientific and technological self-reliance. How do you interpret this idea, and how will it reshape China's industrial structure and global competitiveness?
Xin Ge: New-quality productive forces lies at the heart of China's broader strategic shift away from its previous growth model. For decades, growth was consistently achieved through a traditional approach: massive capital investment (often in property and infrastructure), a demographic dividend of unlimited labor, and high resource consumption. This model has been exhausted. New quality productive forces clearly state that future growth must be driven by disruptive technological innovation as the main engine. It redefines productivity itself, shifting from "high speed" to "high quality."
This strategy will significantly reshape China's industrial landscape. Capital, talent, and policy support are being strongly focused on strategic emerging industries (such as AI, robotics, and quantum computing) and future-oriented sectors (like life sciences and space). This compels traditional, low-margin sectors like textiles or simple assembly to either automate and modernize or face bankruptcy.
Globally, this presents a direct challenge to the established economic hierarchy. The aim is to fundamentally change China's position in the global value chain, shifting it from a world assembler to a global innovator. This primarily targets the high-margin, high-tech sectors currently controlled by countries like the U.S., Germany, Japan, and others. Its success would not only boost its competitiveness but also enable China to set the global technical standards for the next generation, an apparent move toward achieving a leading position in technology and the economy.
CGTN: Given the rising global uncertainties, the plan highlights expanding high-standard opening up and fostering high-quality development of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). In your view, what new opportunities might Chinese modernization create for global economic governance and international cooperation?
Xin Ge: Amid rising protectionism and geopolitical fragmentation, the proposal to "expand high-standard opening up" is a strategic move. Chinese modernization, as presented in this document, offers two distinct types of opportunities to the world.
First, it provides a crucial anchor of global demand and market access. As many Western economies struggle with inflation and slow growth, China is positioning its extensive, evolving consumer market as an essential engine for global companies. This is a form of economic statecraft. By ensuring that firms from German automakers to American chip designers remain deeply connected to and dependent on the Chinese market, it builds a strong business constituency that would advocate against full-scale political and economic decoupling. It's a proposal of shared prosperity through deeper integration.
Second, it offers a clear, alternative framework for international cooperation and governance. The push for a high-quality BRI signals a new phase. The focus is shifting from basic infrastructure to more advanced partnerships. For example, the "Digital Silk Road" provides 5G networks, e-commerce platforms, and data centers; the "Green Silk Road" involves exporting China's leading solar, wind, and EV technologies. Newer global and regional governance platforms, like the expanded BRICS+ framework, create avenues for cooperation that operate entirely outside the traditional G7-led Western order.
For the Global South in particular, this Chinese-style modernization offers a tangible, non-Western development path supported by capital and technology, emphasizing infrastructure and economic growth without the political conditions often linked to Western aid. This opens new opportunities for cooperation to strengthen supply chains, promote green energy, and establish innovative digital trade rules.
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