Editor's note: Lidia Fagale is a Belt and Road journalist of News portal on China and the Global South, Clave China Noticias (Weekly radio program Clave China); Ankit Prasad is a CGTN biz commentator. The article reflects the authors' opinions and not necessarily the views of CGTN.

From January 19 and for five days, the 56th Annual Meeting of the World Economic Forum (WEF) is taking place in Davos, the Swiss ski resort town. Of the more than 2,000 participants, 50 percent are high-level representatives from the Global South.

Over the course of the meeting, the global economic and political elite will seek answers and cues from Davos in order to consolidate or reconfigure their place within the world's decision-making structures—particularly amid questions and challenges arising from an increasingly fierce geopolitical dynamic. Within this context also lies the "serpent's egg"—forces that dismantle rights, rely on dispossession, appropriation of others' wealth, and the creation of renewed dependency structures to secure their future with resources taken from elsewhere. All of this unfolds against the now undeniable loss of Western-namely US-hegemony.

This scenario incorporates new actors and protagonists, where governments, state and non-state institutions coexist through pragmatic and strategic dynamics at the international level. These dynamics are embedded in a world characterized by economic and commercial fragmentation, where disputes manifest not only through military means but also via unilateralism, cognitive warfare, and economic sanctions, blurring the line between peace and war. In short, this is a fragmented world—less interconnected, increasingly prone to conflicts over resources or ideologies—one that uses economic tools as weapons, generating a volatile and less predictable global environment.

As in other periods of crisis within the capitalist system, the transition and shift in relations of the main center of gravity—the United States—impose a new configuration of the world. Yet today, as never before and within the context of a struggle for a new global order, Latin America is compelled—beyond political contingencies and the alignment of certain countries, to seek economic or political alternatives, including combined multilateral relationships.

The compass guiding global alternation toward a more balanced world—one that is fairer in its relationships and non-interventionist in commercial, economic, and political terms—is being emphatically oriented by China, which continues to expand its diplomatic and economic role globally, especially in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, offering alternatives to traditional options. This includes the strengthening of South–South alliances (BRICS+, the Belt and Road Initiative), as well as the active pursuit of leadership in global governance on issues such as climate and security.

In this regard, the Global Governance Initiative (GGI) proposed by China in 2025 on the direction, principles and path for reforming the global governance system and institutions is a beacon of hope. 

Contrary to hegemonic forces that seek to usurp multilateralism, the GGI focuses on serving the interests of all countries, especially developing countries, by transforming the current international system and institutions, empowering them to more effectively act, respond and adapt to various global challenges. Sovereign equality, the international rule of law, multilateralism, people-centricity, and a commitment to real results are the GGI's core tenets, aimed at promoting the building of a more just and equitable global governance system.

In the absence of such global governance guardrails, several countries are confronted with the prospect of becoming functional platforms for the renewed and virulent capitalist-imperialist policies of the US's Monroe Doctrine, involving violations of international law and the imposition of a so-called "democratic" logic as a universal model on foreign lands. This has been followed by a long list of colonialist policies that had for long seemed confined to the darkest chapters of historical memory.

Yet despite such policies, which frequently result in governments and leaders labeling other ideologies pejoratively, a country like Argentina—in the midst of implementing an unprecedented adjustment model in the name of fiscal balance and inflation control—continues to maintain and even strengthen its commercial and economic ties with China, which have gained renewed momentum over the past year after having been delayed during the first year of Javier Milei's administration.

Another observation of vital importance is that, within the framework of the cognitive warfare projected and deepened by the West globally, China—currently the first or second largest trading partner in Latin America, notably for Argentina and Brazil—is fostering greater cultural confidence, while promoting Chinese culture and values. 

The results are already evident in Argentina and are expected to consolidate further during 2026. China's global projection has reached Argentina with great force; its strong economic dynamism has also extended to the production of cultural content with broad global appeal, resonating with Argentine society as well. This process contributes to dismantling ignorance, prejudice, and stereotypes that still persist among sectors of the global population.

A key achievement of China's global projection lies in moving beyond the limits imposed by temporary governmental interlocutors and institutions that have entered a crisis of representation, and instead engaging directly with societies. These societies have demonstrated that—beyond certain political cycles—their organizational or individual foundations find in exchange, cooperation, solidarity, and creativity a genuine exercise of freedom grounded in critical awareness.

Not only has China's economy showcased remarkable resilience in the face of disruptive and often discriminatory trade policies, but it has actively sought to foster long-term, market-oriented and holistic economic cooperation and opening-up with respect to large swathes of the Global South. 

From tariff-free access on 100 percent tariff lines to 53 African nations, to crossing $500 billion in bilateral trade with Latin America in 2024, China has engaged among developing nations with a goal of win-win outcomes that reach the people. For example, against the backdrop of tariff uncertainty in 2025, China's significant purchases of Brazilian soybeans and Peruvian cherries bring relief and livelihoods to scores of farmers, while BRI projects and Chinese infrastructure investment deliver tangible results and high-quality benefits to society at large. And in terms of direct people-to-people ties, China's move starting June 2025 allowing nationals of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Peru and Uruguay visa-free for up to 30 days is a significant statement in encouraging business, tourism, family visits and cultural exchanges at the individual level.

China's third policy paper on Latin America and the Caribbean, issued in December 2025, lays out a long-term strategic blueprint for the region for the next decade, calls for mutual support on core interests, and reaffirms the stated goal of building a "China-LAC Community with a Shared Future". It focuses on solidarity in terms of coordination in multilateral forums such as the UN, G20, BRICS, IMF, WTO, etc.; development in terms of BRI expansion, financial cooperation including RMB (renminbi) settlement, industrial upgrading, science & technology; human resources programs and people-to-people exchanges, sub-national cooperation, security cooperation, healthcare, and more. The fact that it is the third such paper demonstrates continuity and adherence to guiding principles despite an ever-evolving global scenario.

The voice of the Global South will be heard in Davos. However, we are also aware that the concepts, ideas, and positions expressed by governments needn't always uniformly or homogeneously represent society as a whole. Reality imposes itself, and like water, it seeks alternative paths. Delegates attending the Davos meeting must distinguish between the risks of continuing to incubate the serpent's egg that resides within Western borders, or following the compass proposed by the People's Republic of China for Latin America.