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As conflicts persist in Europe and continue to roil parts of the Middle East, the question of how to achieve security in an increasingly fragmented world has taken on renewed urgency.
For decades, the dominant answer has largely followed a familiar script: alliances, deterrence and strategic competition. Security, in this view, is often something to be secured against others.
But across Asia, a different instinct has been quietly taking shape.
In April 2025, at the Central Conference on Work Related to Neighboring Countries, China formally articulated the "Asian security model" that features sharing weal and woe, seeking common ground while shelving differences, and prioritizing dialogue and consultation.
Security without blocs
At the heart of the concept lies a simple but consequential idea that security is indivisible.
Chinese policymakers describe it as "sharing weal and woe" – the notion that no country can achieve lasting safety while others remain insecure. It marks a departure from the pursuit of "absolute security," a principle long associated with alliance-based systems.
Instead of formal alliances, the model leans toward partnerships without alignment, emphasizing dialogue over deterrence and cooperation over confrontation.
In doing so, it contrasts with security arrangements that are often exclusive by design – reinforcing divisions rather than easing them.
Managing differences, not eliminating them
If shared security forms the foundation, the second pillar reflects Asia's diversity.
From political systems to historical experiences, the region shows diversity. Rather than attempting to reconcile these differences, the Asian security model adopts a more pragmatic approach: seeking common ground where possible while shelving disagreements where necessary.
In practice, that means advancing cooperation on issues of mutual concern while maintaining communication on more sensitive disputes.
It also reflects a willingness to avoid imposing a single security framework or political model on others, while recognizing that countries may define and prioritize security differently. In a region wary of external prescriptions, this flexibility has helped build wider acceptance.
Talking through tensions
The third element of dialogue and consultation is most visible in practice.
Since the founding of the People's Republic of China, disputes with neighboring countries have largely been handled through peaceful means, including negotiated settlements over land and boundary issues. That tradition continues today.
From advancing consultations on a Code of Conduct in the South China Sea, to maintaining defense dialogue mechanisms with countries such as Vietnam, Malaysia, Cambodia and Indonesia, China has sought to institutionalize communication as a way of managing risks. At the same time, security cooperation with Central Asian countries has continued to expand, reflecting a wider effort to build trust through engagement.
Underlying these efforts is a consistent principle: tensions are best addressed through dialogue rather than confrontation, and communication itself can serve as a source of stability.
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi (C), also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, Prak Sokhonn (L), Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Thailand Sihasak Phuangketkeow attend the China-Cambodia-Thailand foreign ministers' meeting in Yuxi, southwest China's Yunnan Province, December 29, 2025. /Chinese Foreign Ministry
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi (C), also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, Prak Sokhonn (L), Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Thailand Sihasak Phuangketkeow attend the China-Cambodia-Thailand foreign ministers' meeting in Yuxi, southwest China's Yunnan Province, December 29, 2025. /Chinese Foreign Ministry
From principle to practice
Recent developments offer a glimpse of how this approach functions in practice.
In late 2025, a border clash between Cambodia and Thailand escalated into nearly three weeks of armed confrontation, raising fears of wider instability. Rather than taking sides, China maintained communication with both governments. Diplomatic channels remained active, with foreign ministers in close contact and special envoys engaging in shuttle diplomacy.
By the end of December, officials from China, Cambodia and Thailand met in Yunnan Province, where they agreed on a roadmap prioritizing ceasefire consolidation, civilian recovery and confidence-building.
The process reflected key elements of the Asian security model. China positioned itself as a neutral facilitator, emphasizing restraint and encouraging dialogue. Instead of pushing for an immediate resolution to complex territorial disputes, efforts focused on stabilizing the situation and rebuilding trust - an application of "seeking common ground while shelving differences."
Dialogue was pursued through both bilateral and multilateral channels, underscoring a preference for consultation over coercion.
An alternative for a changing world
Beyond the region, some analysts see broader implications in the emergence of the Asian security model.
Liu Qing, vice president of the China Institute of International Studies, argued that the approach moves beyond a purely state-centric understanding of security by linking individual, societal, national and regional dimensions. In a world where traditional and non-traditional challenges are increasingly intertwined, such a framework may offer useful reference points for rethinking global security governance.
Others point to its potential in reducing geopolitical friction. Koh King Kee, president of the Center for New Inclusive Asia said that emphasizing shared security and managing differences can help build trust and reduce miscalculation in a volatile environment. Veronica Saraswati, director of the Indonesia-China Partnership Studies Center, similarly noted that trust-based approaches may be more effective than unilateralism or military deterrence in preventing conflict and maintaining stability.
As conflicts persist in Europe and continue to roil parts of the Middle East, the question of how to achieve security in an increasingly fragmented world has taken on renewed urgency.
For decades, the dominant answer has largely followed a familiar script: alliances, deterrence and strategic competition. Security, in this view, is often something to be secured against others.
But across Asia, a different instinct has been quietly taking shape.
In April 2025, at the Central Conference on Work Related to Neighboring Countries, China formally articulated the "Asian security model" that features sharing weal and woe, seeking common ground while shelving differences, and prioritizing dialogue and consultation.
Security without blocs
At the heart of the concept lies a simple but consequential idea that security is indivisible.
Chinese policymakers describe it as "sharing weal and woe" – the notion that no country can achieve lasting safety while others remain insecure. It marks a departure from the pursuit of "absolute security," a principle long associated with alliance-based systems.
Instead of formal alliances, the model leans toward partnerships without alignment, emphasizing dialogue over deterrence and cooperation over confrontation.
In doing so, it contrasts with security arrangements that are often exclusive by design – reinforcing divisions rather than easing them.
Managing differences, not eliminating them
If shared security forms the foundation, the second pillar reflects Asia's diversity.
From political systems to historical experiences, the region shows diversity. Rather than attempting to reconcile these differences, the Asian security model adopts a more pragmatic approach: seeking common ground where possible while shelving disagreements where necessary.
In practice, that means advancing cooperation on issues of mutual concern while maintaining communication on more sensitive disputes.
It also reflects a willingness to avoid imposing a single security framework or political model on others, while recognizing that countries may define and prioritize security differently. In a region wary of external prescriptions, this flexibility has helped build wider acceptance.
Talking through tensions
The third element of dialogue and consultation is most visible in practice.
Since the founding of the People's Republic of China, disputes with neighboring countries have largely been handled through peaceful means, including negotiated settlements over land and boundary issues. That tradition continues today.
From advancing consultations on a Code of Conduct in the South China Sea, to maintaining defense dialogue mechanisms with countries such as Vietnam, Malaysia, Cambodia and Indonesia, China has sought to institutionalize communication as a way of managing risks. At the same time, security cooperation with Central Asian countries has continued to expand, reflecting a wider effort to build trust through engagement.
Underlying these efforts is a consistent principle: tensions are best addressed through dialogue rather than confrontation, and communication itself can serve as a source of stability.
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi (C), also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, Prak Sokhonn (L), Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Thailand Sihasak Phuangketkeow attend the China-Cambodia-Thailand foreign ministers' meeting in Yuxi, southwest China's Yunnan Province, December 29, 2025. /Chinese Foreign Ministry
From principle to practice
Recent developments offer a glimpse of how this approach functions in practice.
In late 2025, a border clash between Cambodia and Thailand escalated into nearly three weeks of armed confrontation, raising fears of wider instability. Rather than taking sides, China maintained communication with both governments. Diplomatic channels remained active, with foreign ministers in close contact and special envoys engaging in shuttle diplomacy.
By the end of December, officials from China, Cambodia and Thailand met in Yunnan Province, where they agreed on a roadmap prioritizing ceasefire consolidation, civilian recovery and confidence-building.
The process reflected key elements of the Asian security model. China positioned itself as a neutral facilitator, emphasizing restraint and encouraging dialogue. Instead of pushing for an immediate resolution to complex territorial disputes, efforts focused on stabilizing the situation and rebuilding trust - an application of "seeking common ground while shelving differences."
Dialogue was pursued through both bilateral and multilateral channels, underscoring a preference for consultation over coercion.
An alternative for a changing world
Beyond the region, some analysts see broader implications in the emergence of the Asian security model.
Liu Qing, vice president of the China Institute of International Studies, argued that the approach moves beyond a purely state-centric understanding of security by linking individual, societal, national and regional dimensions. In a world where traditional and non-traditional challenges are increasingly intertwined, such a framework may offer useful reference points for rethinking global security governance.
Others point to its potential in reducing geopolitical friction. Koh King Kee, president of the Center for New Inclusive Asia said that emphasizing shared security and managing differences can help build trust and reduce miscalculation in a volatile environment. Veronica Saraswati, director of the Indonesia-China Partnership Studies Center, similarly noted that trust-based approaches may be more effective than unilateralism or military deterrence in preventing conflict and maintaining stability.