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2026.07.14 20:39 GMT+8

South China Sea shouldn't be Japan's lab for rearmament

Updated 2026.07.14 20:39 GMT+8
Liu Jianxi

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After issuing a so-called joint statement with 13 other countries on the 10th anniversary of the "Arbitral Award on the South China Sea," a ruling rejected by China from the very beginning, Japan has taken one step further to provoke China. Japanese Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi blatantly attacked China's lawful claims in the South China Sea and identified Japan as a "legitimate stakeholder who uses the South China Sea."

This is not a show of "principle"; it is a show of opportunism. It is not defending international law but laundering a political agenda through legal language. It is an old tactic: Speak in the name of rules, while selectively ignoring the rules that are inconvenient.

To begin with, Japan is not a party to the South China Sea disputes. Nor are many of the other countries that have signed the so-called statement. They have no moral or legal standing to "lecture" China on sovereignty or maritime rights in the region.

Tokyo's move especially is not neutral diplomacy. It is intervention dressed up as "concern." The more Japan tries to posture as a "stakeholder," the more it reveals its real intention: to exploit regional tensions, amplify confrontation, and position itself as a partner in a wider containment strategy.

What makes this move especially dangerous is that Japan is not simply talking about the South China Sea – it is turned it into a testing ground for Tokyo’s broader project of new militarism.

Over the past few years, Japan has steadily intensified its presence in the region, and this year its actions have become more aggressive. It has increased troop participation in major exercises across the Pacific, sent combat personnel to Philippine soil for the first time since the end of World War II, and, for the first time launched offensive missiles from outside its territory. These are not isolated incidents. They are part of a deliberate pattern of loosening military restrictions, one step at a time.

The blue hole in Huangyan Dao in the South China Sea. /Xinhua

Japan's deepening military cooperation with the Philippines is especially revealing. This year, the two sides upgraded bilateral ties and began formal negotiations on a military intelligence-sharing agreement. Tokyo packages this as "security cooperation." In reality, it is using the Philippines as a stepping stone to accelerate the dismantling of postwar military restraints.

Japanese right-wing forces are clearly pushing to transform the South China Sea into a platform for force projection. The message is clear: The South China Sea is not merely a diplomatic talking point for Tokyo, but a live stage on which to rehearse regional militarization.

Behind this lies a broader strategic ambition. Under the so-called Indo-Pacific Strategy promoted by the United States, and against the backdrop of NATO's growing reach into Asia-Pacific affairs, Japan had long been playing the role of an eager front-runner.

But now it is no longer content to simply follow Washington's lead. As the United States adjusts its global strategic priorities, Tokyo has become even more proactive in stirring up regional tensions on its own. The shift is visible in its rhetoric and its expanding military behavior. Japan is not waiting for instructions; it is increasingly shaping the agenda itself.

If Tokyo is truly concerned about peace and maritime order, it would avoid stoking confrontation, avoid taking sides in a dispute that does not concern it, and avoid trying to turn Southeast Asia into a proving ground for military blocs. Instead, Japan is doing the opposite. It is feigning to draw closer to the Philippines, expanding military ties, endorsing provocative narratives, and helping deepen the very security dilemma it claims to oppose.

The South China Sea should not be Japan's laboratory for rearmament, nor should Asia be forced to pay the price for Tokyo resuming its militarist ambition.

The author is a Beijing-based political and international relations analyst. She writes on topics about the US, the EU, and the Middle East.

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