Editor's note: Feng Zhongping, a special commentator for CGTN, is currently the director of the Institute of European Studies at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and the director of the China-CEEC Institute (Budapest). His main research areas include European strategic issues, European integration, China-Europe relations, transatlantic relations, NATO and China's foreign policy. The article reflects the author's opinions and not necessarily the views of CGTN.

Andy Burnham became Britain's prime minister on July 20, the seventh person to hold the post since the Brexit referendum a decade ago. 

His arrival at 10 Downing Street has drawn wide attention, but that attention has centered almost entirely on domestic affairs. Known as the "King of the North" after nine years as mayor of Greater Manchester, Burnham is not well known abroad, and outside observers know very little about how he will handle foreign policy. 

For China, the more pressing question is what his premiership means for the direction of China-UK relations.

Part of the reason is straightforward: as a metro mayor, Burnham simply had few occasions to speak on foreign affairs. He returned to Westminster only weeks before winning the Labour leadership after spending nearly a decade managing transport, housing and investment in the North of England. He arrives in Downing Street without a developed foreign policy record, which is itself a fact worth noting, and it leaves outside observers with more questions than answers.

What is already clear is that Burnham's overriding priority is domestic. His central pitch, which he calls "Manchesterism," centers on reviving economic growth, building public housing and shifting power out of Whitehall, including through a new "No. 10 North" office based in Manchester. But domestic renewal of this kind cannot be pursued in isolation. It depends on a stable and favorable international environment, and Britain's relations with the major powers will do much to shape whether that environment holds.

On the European Union, Burnham has signaled continuity, calling for closer economic and strategic ties with the bloc, in line with the shift Keir Starmer had already begun as trust in Washington weakened. On the United States, the relationship looks set to be trickier. Burnham and Donald Trump appear to hold sharply different instincts, and analysts note the two men have little track record of dealing with each other, which leaves that relationship harder to predict.

China has been a different story. Relations have generally improved since Labour returned to power in 2024, and this year produced the clearest evidence in the form of two high-profile visits. 

In January, Starmer became the first British prime minister to visit China in eight years. The trip yielded a long-term comprehensive strategic partnership, a cut in China's tariff on Scottish whisky from 10 percent to 5 percent, progress toward a visa waiver for British citizens, and several billion pounds in trade, investment and market-access deals covering artificial intelligence, clean energy, healthcare and finance. 

Months later, then UK Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper traveled to Beijing for the 11th round of the China-UK Strategic Dialogue, keeping that momentum alive. Precisely because his focus lies at home, Burnham is widely expected to have little incentive to disrupt this trajectory, and his own record – courting Chinese investment into Greater Manchester as mayor – points the same way.

Two things, in particular, make that pragmatism worth sustaining: trade and global governance. 

China is already the UK's fourth-largest trading partner overall, according to UK government figures, and British investment into the Chinese market has been growing. 

Both China and the UK are permanent members of the UN Security Council, and cooperation between the two countries is crucial in maintaining the multilateral system and effectively addressing global challenges such as climate change and artificial intelligence. 

Yet the relationship is not without friction. The most recent flashpoint is the UK's nationalization of British Steel, which stripped its Chinese owner, Jingye Group, of the Scunthorpe plant with what Beijing regards as inadequate compensation. China's Commerce Ministry has said how the case is handled will shape Chinese investors' confidence in the UK more broadly.

Maintaining a constructive, comprehensive strategic partnership serves the interests of both China and the UK. Keeping it on track will need both sides to take continued dialogue, stronger communication and pragmatic steps.

China places real value on its relationship with Britain. When problems arise, London should not reach for measures that serve only its own interests. Disputes are better worked out through dialogue, and some of the misunderstandings between the two sides need talking through rather than being left to fester. 

For Britain, domestic growth and social development ultimately rest on a stable and healthy partnership with its trade and economic partners, China included.