Editor's note: Cao Cong, a special commentator for CGTN, is a doctoral candidate at the School of Global and Regional Studies, University of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. The article reflects the author's opinions and not necessarily the views of CGTN.

The Japanese government formally established its new centralized intelligence body on July 31, with Kazuya Hara, director of Cabinet Intelligence, serving as its first director. The bureau, chaired by Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi and attended by the Chief Cabinet Secretary and other cabinet ministers, is also holding its first meeting on the same day to begin drafting the first national intelligence strategy document and to discuss counterespionage legislation and the establishment of foreign intelligence agencies.

It claims that the move aims to improve the quality of policymaking and respond to what it calls a "complex and severe security environment." However, when examined against the backdrop of Japan's ongoing military expansion and its efforts over recent years to transform itself into a war-capable country, this intelligence reform clearly goes far beyond a simple administrative restructuring.

Undermining the spirit of the Peace Constitution

For much of the postwar period, Japan maintained a cautious approach toward expanding intelligence institutions due to constitutional constraints under the Peace Constitution and opposition from public opinion. Japanese society has long been wary of establishing powerful and centralized intelligence agencies, largely because of historical lessons from the militarist era, when secret police and intelligence organizations violated human rights and suppressed political dissent.

In 1952, the Yoshida Cabinet established the Secretariat Research Office of the Prime Minister, which later evolved into today's Cabinet Intelligence and Research Office (CIRO). However, for a long time, this institution lacked independent authority to collect intelligence and command other intelligence agencies.

To strengthen the role of the Prime Minister's Office as a hub for intelligence and security coordination, former Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe reorganized the National Security Council, established the National Security Secretariat, and introduced the Act on the Protection of Specially Designated Secrets.

Since then, the Japanese government has steadily strengthened its institutional frameworks for safeguarding economic security information, bolstered cyber defense capabilities and advanced the development of active cyber defense.

Takaichi has inherited Abe's policy line, and the establishment of the national intelligence bureau represents a concrete continuation of this approach. The Prime Minister's Office will also gain substantially greater control and influence over intelligence related to diplomacy, defense, the economy and technology.

It should be noted that the establishment of the bureau is closely aligned with Japan's broader trend of moving beyond the constraints of the Peace Constitution and shifting its security policies increasingly to the right.

From lifting restrictions on the exercise of collective self-defense rights to developing "counterstrike capabilities," from continuous increases in defense spending to the relaxation of arms export restrictions, Japan has repeatedly pushed beyond the limits of the postwar security system. The establishment of the bureau provides new institutional and informational support for this process.

Serving the expansion of military capabilities

In 2022, after revising its three major security documents and deciding to develop "counterstrike capabilities," Japan began large-scale deployment of long-range missiles and promoted greater coordination between the Self-Defense Forces and the US military in areas such as command, reconnaissance, early warning and operations.

The Japanese government claims that "counterstrike capabilities" do not violate the principle of "exclusively defense-oriented policy." However, the deployment of weapons with long-range strike capabilities has already gone beyond the traditional scope of passive defense. Japan's military strategy has shifted from territorial defense toward active deterrence and long-range intervention.

Modern military operations rely heavily on satellite reconnaissance, electronic surveillance, cyber intelligence, target identification and battlefield situation analysis. Without a centralized and efficient intelligence system, long-range strike capabilities cannot achieve genuine operational effectiveness.

The establishment of the bureau precisely fills the informational and decision-making requirements necessary for Japan's development of offensive military capabilities. Therefore, the bureau, long-range strike capabilities, space and cyber operations, increased defense spending and the relaxation of arms export restrictions should not be viewed as isolated policy measures. Together, they reflect Japan's strategic direction of strengthening military operational capabilities and expanding the boundaries of its security policies.

Deepening intelligence alliances and escalating tensions

Another important objective behind establishing the bureau is to enhance Japan's position within the intelligence networks of the US and other Western allies. Japan has already established various military intelligence protection and sharing mechanisms with 12 international actors, including the US, France, India, Italy and NATO, and has long sought to deepen cooperation with the Five Eyes alliance.

Because Japan's independent overseas intelligence collection capabilities remain relatively limited, it has historically played more of a recipient role in intelligence exchanges. Through establishing the bureau, creating an independent foreign intelligence agency and improving confidentiality legislation, Japan seeks to increase the intelligence resources it can provide to allies and strengthen its influence within Western intelligence cooperation frameworks.

This development will further reinforce the military integration of the US-Japan alliance. Intelligence collected by Japan regarding the East China Sea and the Western Pacific may be incorporated more systematically into the assessment and operational systems of the US and its allies. Satellite intelligence, electronic surveillance and human intelligence capabilities held by Western allies will also provide support for Japan's military decision-making and operations.

The stronger intelligence capabilities become, the greater the need for strict legal constraints and democratic oversight. The more concentrated security powers become, the more seriously historical lessons must be considered. Japan should genuinely respect the spirit of the Peace Constitution, adhere to the principle of "exclusively defense-oriented policy" and stop using so-called security threats as a justification for military expansion and bloc confrontation.

Otherwise, the national intelligence bureau will not bring the greater security that Japan claims it will provide. Instead, it may deepen neighboring countries' concerns about Japan's strategic direction and create new risks for peace and stability in East Asia.

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