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People ride horses in Ili Kazak Autonomous Prefecture, Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, China, August 4, 2026. /VCG
People ride horses in Ili Kazak Autonomous Prefecture, Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, China, August 4, 2026. /VCG
Editor's note: Xia Lu, a special commentator for CGTN, is a research fellow at the National Academy for Development and Strategy of Renmin University of China and Deputy Dean of the School of Marxism at Xinjiang University. The article reflects the author's opinions and not necessarily the views of CGTN.
As a university professor and a designated expert participating in a paired-up assistance program for higher education in Xinjiang, China's westernmost provincial-level ethnic autonomous region, I have spent the past year and a half moving between universities and campuses in Urumqi, Kashi, Aksu and other cities.
What I have witnessed daily – newly established colleges and universities emerging in previously underserved areas, workers signing cross-regional employment contracts based on their own choices, and students from different ethnic groups studying, living and graduating together – directly refutes the Western allegations of so-called "forced labor" and "compulsory migration" in Xinjiang.
These are not isolated examples. They reflect a broader national strategy based on constitutional equality among all the 56 ethnic groups and the goal of ensuring that no group is left behind in China's modernization process.
To understand this strategy, one must first look at the Law on Promoting Ethnic Unity and Progress, adopted at the closing meeting of the fourth session of the 14th National People's Congress on March 12, 2026, and taking effect on July 1, 2026.
The law is China's first newly enacted basic legislation specifically addressing ethnic affairs. It provides a legal framework for the governance and development of ethnic regions, while codifying the approach to ethnic work adopted since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in 2012.
At its core is the principle of building a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation. The law seeks to address several practical challenges, including development gaps between western ethnic regions and eastern coastal areas, growing cross-regional mobility, and the external exploitation of ethnic affairs to undermine national unity.
Rather than focusing on abstract principles, the legislation translates China's existing policies on ethnic affairs into institutional responsibilities and safeguards. It emphasizes preventing coercion, discrimination and interference, while also strengthening common bonds among ethnic groups while respecting their legitimate cultural differences.
In simple terms, it is a national law designed for all citizens, rather than an "assimilation" policy.
Among the law's seven chapters, Chapter IV, titled "Promoting Shared Prosperity and Development," provides specific measures to turn these principles into practice.
The chapter calls for ethnic regions to deepen reform, participate in national development strategies, strengthen their own development capacity and advance common prosperity. It also institutionalizes mechanisms including regional coordination, targeted support, paired-up assistance and east-west cooperation.
The law further highlights the role of border regions in supporting China's dual-circulation strategy and the Belt and Road Initiative.
It calls for improved connectivity in transport, energy, water resources, digital infrastructure and logistics, while supporting locally suited industries such as cotton, fruit production, clean energy, cultural tourism, traditional medicine and emerging industries.
At the same time, it guarantees equal access to education, healthcare, employment and social security.
Critically, the law also protects citizens' rights in cross-regional employment and entrepreneurship, emphasizing four principles: complete voluntary participation, mutual agreement, law-based compliance, and freedom to come and go.
Nowhere does the text authorize detention, compulsory transfer, or the so-called "labor camp systems." On the contrary, it affirms marriage freedom, language rights and religious practice within the unified legal order.
The impact of these policies can be seen through economic and social indicators.
According to official statistics, the combined GDP of China's five provincial-level autonomous regions increased from 3.25 trillion yuan ($480 billion) in 2012 to 8.66 trillion yuan in 2025.
In Xinjiang, during the 14th Five-Year Plan (2021–2025) period, the region created 2.392 million urban jobs and recorded 16.1 million trips by agricultural workers seeking employment outside the region. Disposable incomes of urban and rural residents increased at average annual rates of 5.3% and 8.1%, respectively.
In poverty reduction, all the 420 registered poor counties in ethnic autonomous areas had been lifted out of absolute poverty by 2020, while 28 ethnic groups with smaller populations achieved overall poverty elimination.
Higher education has also expanded. The number of regular colleges and universities in Xinjiang increased from 39 in 2012 to 66 in 2025. Meanwhile, the mechanized cotton harvesting rate has surpassed 90%.
For international observers accustomed to evaluating China through sensational headlines, I would suggest another approach: read the full text of the 2026 law, examine employment contracts in local companies, visit communities, and review the number of bachelor's degrees awarded to students from different ethnic groups in recent years.
They would find that China's ethnic policy is built on rail lines, hospital wings, signed contracts and legally protected mobility rather than removal, camps, or erasure.
The Law on Promoting Ethnic Unity and Progress is not a tool of assimilation. It represents a framework aimed at promoting shared modernization and common development.
Shared prosperity is not merely a slogan – it is a process visible in the everyday lives of people across China's multi-ethnic society.
People ride horses in Ili Kazak Autonomous Prefecture, Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, China, August 4, 2026. /VCG
Editor's note: Xia Lu, a special commentator for CGTN, is a research fellow at the National Academy for Development and Strategy of Renmin University of China and Deputy Dean of the School of Marxism at Xinjiang University. The article reflects the author's opinions and not necessarily the views of CGTN.
As a university professor and a designated expert participating in a paired-up assistance program for higher education in Xinjiang, China's westernmost provincial-level ethnic autonomous region, I have spent the past year and a half moving between universities and campuses in Urumqi, Kashi, Aksu and other cities.
What I have witnessed daily – newly established colleges and universities emerging in previously underserved areas, workers signing cross-regional employment contracts based on their own choices, and students from different ethnic groups studying, living and graduating together – directly refutes the Western allegations of so-called "forced labor" and "compulsory migration" in Xinjiang.
These are not isolated examples. They reflect a broader national strategy based on constitutional equality among all the 56 ethnic groups and the goal of ensuring that no group is left behind in China's modernization process.
To understand this strategy, one must first look at the Law on Promoting Ethnic Unity and Progress, adopted at the closing meeting of the fourth session of the 14th National People's Congress on March 12, 2026, and taking effect on July 1, 2026.
The law is China's first newly enacted basic legislation specifically addressing ethnic affairs. It provides a legal framework for the governance and development of ethnic regions, while codifying the approach to ethnic work adopted since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in 2012.
At its core is the principle of building a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation. The law seeks to address several practical challenges, including development gaps between western ethnic regions and eastern coastal areas, growing cross-regional mobility, and the external exploitation of ethnic affairs to undermine national unity.
Rather than focusing on abstract principles, the legislation translates China's existing policies on ethnic affairs into institutional responsibilities and safeguards. It emphasizes preventing coercion, discrimination and interference, while also strengthening common bonds among ethnic groups while respecting their legitimate cultural differences.
In simple terms, it is a national law designed for all citizens, rather than an "assimilation" policy.
Among the law's seven chapters, Chapter IV, titled "Promoting Shared Prosperity and Development," provides specific measures to turn these principles into practice.
The chapter calls for ethnic regions to deepen reform, participate in national development strategies, strengthen their own development capacity and advance common prosperity. It also institutionalizes mechanisms including regional coordination, targeted support, paired-up assistance and east-west cooperation.
The law further highlights the role of border regions in supporting China's dual-circulation strategy and the Belt and Road Initiative.
It calls for improved connectivity in transport, energy, water resources, digital infrastructure and logistics, while supporting locally suited industries such as cotton, fruit production, clean energy, cultural tourism, traditional medicine and emerging industries.
At the same time, it guarantees equal access to education, healthcare, employment and social security.
Critically, the law also protects citizens' rights in cross-regional employment and entrepreneurship, emphasizing four principles: complete voluntary participation, mutual agreement, law-based compliance, and freedom to come and go.
Nowhere does the text authorize detention, compulsory transfer, or the so-called "labor camp systems." On the contrary, it affirms marriage freedom, language rights and religious practice within the unified legal order.
The impact of these policies can be seen through economic and social indicators.
According to official statistics, the combined GDP of China's five provincial-level autonomous regions increased from 3.25 trillion yuan ($480 billion) in 2012 to 8.66 trillion yuan in 2025.
In Xinjiang, during the 14th Five-Year Plan (2021–2025) period, the region created 2.392 million urban jobs and recorded 16.1 million trips by agricultural workers seeking employment outside the region. Disposable incomes of urban and rural residents increased at average annual rates of 5.3% and 8.1%, respectively.
In poverty reduction, all the 420 registered poor counties in ethnic autonomous areas had been lifted out of absolute poverty by 2020, while 28 ethnic groups with smaller populations achieved overall poverty elimination.
Higher education has also expanded. The number of regular colleges and universities in Xinjiang increased from 39 in 2012 to 66 in 2025. Meanwhile, the mechanized cotton harvesting rate has surpassed 90%.
For international observers accustomed to evaluating China through sensational headlines, I would suggest another approach: read the full text of the 2026 law, examine employment contracts in local companies, visit communities, and review the number of bachelor's degrees awarded to students from different ethnic groups in recent years.
They would find that China's ethnic policy is built on rail lines, hospital wings, signed contracts and legally protected mobility rather than removal, camps, or erasure.
The Law on Promoting Ethnic Unity and Progress is not a tool of assimilation. It represents a framework aimed at promoting shared modernization and common development.
Shared prosperity is not merely a slogan – it is a process visible in the everyday lives of people across China's multi-ethnic society.