Editor's note: Tian Feilong, a special commentator for CGTN, Law School of Minzu University of China, Council Member of the Chinese Association of Hong Kong and Macao Studies. The article reflects the author's opinions and not necessarily the views of CGTN.

On September 16, 2026, John Lee Ka-chiu, Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR), released Hong Kong's First Five-Year Plan together with the 2026 Policy Address. This marked the conclusion of a three-month public consultation exercise and the official roll-out of the HKSAR government's autonomous planning for Hong Kong's 15th Five-Year Plan period.  

"One Country, Two Systems" in Hong Kong has thus entered a new era of "governance through planning," embodying the HKSAR government's new governance philosophy and developmental rationality: to act on the basis of its autonomy, draw on national planning experience, and foster higher-quality prosperity and stability in Hong Kong.  

On August 18, 2026, the Macao Special Administrative Region Government issued its third five-year plan, systematically formulating policy objectives for Macao's prosperity, stability, and integrated development throughout the 15th Five-Year Plan period. Hong Kong's entry into the realm of "planning-based governance" under "One Country, Two Systems" can effectively enhance communication and coordination between the inherent governance culture and institutional rationality of "One Country, Two Systems," and strengthen Hong Kong's capacity for strategic coordination and policy implementation as it integrates into and serves the overall national development agenda.

This represents a normal evolution of the institutional framework of "One Country, Two Systems" in Hong Kong in the new era. It exemplifies positive interaction between the central authorities' overall jurisdiction and Hong Kong's high degree of autonomy, and signals the influence of Chinese-style modernization and China's governance model.  

Even as governments across the globe, including that of the United States, are re-evaluating and even seeking to learn from China's governance model, external forces clinging to Cold-War conservative mindsets and the logic of antagonism between "the two systems" have attacked and smeared the release of this plan. They have hyped claims such as "the plan undermines One Country, Two Systems," and cannot correctly understand or accept Hong Kong's new institutions and new order under "One Country, Two Systems."

Misunderstandings of, and even resistance to, the plan stem from ideological prejudice against the universal nature of planning as a governance tool. Planning is stereotyped as synonymous with socialist "planned economy," associated with industrial control, government centralization and market intervention, and set in opposition to the self-proclaimed orthodox model of free-market capitalism and laissez-faire governance.  

Such perceptions derive from a Cold-War worldview and are rigid and outdated. Formulating medium- and long-term development policies, including five-year plans, in keeping with national development stages and market rules reflects the developmental rationality of the socialist market economy with Chinese characteristics.  

It reflects the organic integration of a capable government and an effective market. It is neither a simple "planned economy" nor laissez-faire market practice, but a modern governance model that combines the strengths of government and market while overcoming government and market failures.  

Since the New Deal era, capitalist countries in the West have also explored market-based mechanisms for government regulation and industrial guidance to address one-sided market behavior and market failures through proactive policy measures.  

By comparison, China's "planning-oriented governance" model is more mature and rational. It fully mobilizes dynamic factors from both government and market, effectively curbs abuses of governmental power and blind market expansion, and improves the overall capacity of economic internal-external circulation and industrial-structure competitiveness.

Both the formulation process and policy content of Hong Kong's plan are fully consistent with the principles of "One Country, Two Systems" and Hong Kong's constitutional status of high degree of autonomy, and constitute institutional enrichment and development of "One Country, Two Systems."

First, the plan-making process fully embodies the principle of "Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong" with a high degree of autonomy. Drawing up either the annual Policy Address or the Five-Year Plan is an autonomous governance initiative led by the HKSAR Government, a concrete exercise of the HKSAR's administrative power under high-degree autonomy.  

The Central Authorities provide guidance and assistance in accordance with the law, reflecting the constitutional exercise and positive interaction between the central overall jurisdiction and Hong Kong's high degree of autonomy. The planning process also enables Hong Kong residents to exercise their democratic rights to participate in political life. Statistics show that more than 17 000 policy submissions and suggestions were received during the public consultation period, which the HKSAR Government sorted and duly took into account.

Second, the plan upholds the pursuit of high-quality development underpinned by high-level security. Rather than altering the existing state of autonomy, it institutionally elevates Hong Kong's freedom, security and openness. Hong Kong's existing order under "One Country, Two Systems" features "patriots administering Hong Kong" and a high degree of autonomy.  

The Hong Kong National Security Law and the new electoral law have consolidated and deepened the institutional security foundations of "One Country, Two Systems," fostering a governance culture and system characterized by loyalty and competence. 

It responds to the demands of comprehensive governance reform for Hong Kong to balance development and security amid national development and global shifts, and has been positively received by Hong Kong society. Major chapters of the present plan translate national policy goals for Hong Kong set out in the 15th Five-Year Plan, while fully reflecting Hong Kong's societal needs in transitioning from stability to prosperity and the economic laws governing Hong Kong's international competitiveness.  

Its fundamental objective is to further consolidate and enhance Hong Kong's international strengths through high-quality development, and to leverage its integration into and service of the overall national development agenda, building Hong Kong into a freer, safer, and more open international metropolis and global economic hub.

Third, the plan will enhance Hong Kong's medium- and long-term policy-making capacity and risk resilience, strengthening Hong Kong's institutional robustness and international competitiveness. Western countries should abandon Cold-War mentalities and ideological biases, objectively and rationally understand and draw on the wisdom and developmental rationality of Chinese civilization as embodied in Chinese-style modernization and its governance model, and recognize the governance logic and bright prospects of Hong Kong's balancing of development and security through the institutional evolution and policy adjustments under "One Country, Two Systems."  

In conclusion, Hong Kong's first five-year plan reflects rational interaction between the inherent governance culture and techniques of "One Country, Two Systems" in the new era, as well as institutional progress in competent governance under "Patriots administering Hong Kong."

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